I’ve been thinking this week about the Columbian Exchange – the exchange of plants, animals, and people between the Eastern and Western hemispheres initiated by Columbus in 1492, which changed the world dramatically and irrevocably. It’s a long story, and a complicated one, and the transplantation of food crops between hemispheres, and the transmission of foodways between their inhabitants is a long and complicated part of it. Europeans brought new consumables and commodity crops with them — that with the most far-reaching effects being, arguably, sugar, but they also transplanted wheat, rice, and numerous food animals. Meanwhile, New World foodstuffs had significant impact on lives of people in the Old World, both as sustenance and as items of delectation, to the point where many Old World cuisines are inconceivable without ingredients of New World origin.
I’ve been reading about the European adoption of chocolate and tobacco, in a work I can’t possibly recommend highly enough: Marcy Norton’s Sacred Gifts, Profane Pleasures: a history of tobacco and chocolate in the Atlantic world. I’m still very much under the book’s spell, so the matter of this post owes a great debt to Norton’s relation, explication, and analysis of changing tastes and patterns of consumption. (Any instances of imperfect comprehension or sloppy thinking are, of course, on my head solely.)
Europeans naturally learned the uses of American foodstuffs from native peoples, through observation or direct instruction. As European explorers gave way to European colonists, and as colonists became, themselves, Americans, they adopted the new foodstuffs and both adopted and transformed their uses. To do this, they needed to adopt the foods into their idea of what people eat, and find uses for them: incorporating them into evolving European and American foodways.
Food is far more than just sustenance. In another book that I’ve been gulping down in great heady draughts, Savoring the Past: The French Kitchen and Table from 1300 to 1789, Barbara Wheaton sagely observes that “…precisely because food is a part of everyone’s lives, it is available in every society for use as a carrier of meaning, as a social marker, and as a medium of exchange.” For explorers, colonists, and the new Americans, to encounter the foodstuffs used by Native Americans also meant coming into contact with the significance of foodways, and how they fit into Native American culture. This brings me to Henry Rowe Schoolcraft’s writings, and especially his relation of Native American myths and legends, where we see this with Native American foodways observed in situ.
Schoolcraft was a 19th century traveler, writer and (now controversial) ethnographer of Native American communities. 19 years as a federal Indian agent, and marriage to a woman from a prominent Ojibwa family in what was then the American Northwest (which we now call the upper Midwest) gave him ample opportunity to observe the Native American lives and ways of his day. He’s perhaps best remembered now for relating, in print, the legend on which Longfellow based Hiawatha.
Schoolcraft doesn’t set out to write about food, which is perhaps why I find what he *does* say so interesting. In his 1848 The Indian in his wigwam, or Characteristics of the red race of America from original notes and manuscripts and his (far better known) 1839 Algic researches, comprising inquiries respecting the mental characteristics of the North American Indians, he never describes the full course of preparation or consumption of a meal, but there are many references to foodways throughout – and the references turn out to be far more than incidental to the matter at hand.
He gives us glimpses, and the glimpses tell us much. Consider the following, from “Personal incidents and impressions of the red race, drawn from notes of residence and travel in the Indian territories — Domestic condition of the tribes and constitution of the Indian family” in The Indian in his wigwam
“The tribes who cultivated maize in the rich sub-vallies and plains of the Ohio and Mississippi, had fuller means of both physical and mental development…” “…the prairie-tribes, west of the Mississippi, who pursue the bison on horse back, and rely for their subsistence greatly, on its flesh…” “The well fed Muscogee, Cherokee, or Choctaw, who lived in the sunny vallies of upper Georgia, Alabama, and Tennessee, the robust Osage, reveling in the abundance of corn and wild meat, south of Missouri, and the lean and rigid Montaignes, Muskeego, and Kenisteno, who push their canoes through waters choked with aquatic weds and wild rice…”
He gives us a sort of a “you are what you eat” typology, showing us one way that a moderately educated white American categorized the Native Americans whom he, so much more than most of his readers, encountered: interesting, at least to me, because characterizing and categorizing are such potent human tools for trying to understand and explain things, including other people.
Mention of food and foodways is, as I say, notable in the many Native American legends Schoolcraft relates. Representing a character as an able hunter and (therefore) a good provider, in the first few sentences of the tale is a common way of identifying personal excellence and letting us know that a hero is on stage. Gorging on the fat of the spoils of a hunt is a sign of greed, and lack of social competence, and functions as a synecdoche of “something’s not right here.” Of course numerous tales tell such things as how the first man was given bow and arrow and taught to use it to keep from starving, or how fish came to be abundant in certain waters. In numerous tales, an undertaking is preceded by a feast to mark its importance, or the way a fast is conducted testifies to an individual’s strength of will, or maybe stubbornness. An uncanny character such as a Manito has a curious way of cooking, or a peculiar cooking device. And so on, and extensively so on.
In the Algic researches there’s scarcely a tale where food or foodways doesn’t appear with some ritual or narrative significance: signs of magic, signs of feeling or personality, signs of magic, signs of feeling or personality, or signs of socially important relationships. Foodways are used to characterize actors or action, and set the scene or the tone, even when they don’t move the story forward…which of course they often do. The upshot is that Schoolcraft shows us the significance of foodstuffs, especially their social meaning in Native American communities.
Is this, strictly speaking, Culinary History? I think I’d rather describe it as the social life of food, and therefore as one of the places here Culinary History meets Food Studies.







